MORE ABOUT TRUMP AND THE RADICAL RIGHT

More than once I have called Trump “crazy as a fox.” In trying to make sense of the “fox” part, I went back to Howard Zinn’s, The Peoples’ History of the United States. In chapter 3 he says that at the end of the 17^th century and into the 18th, the very rich were most afraid of an alliance between the poor white servant class, Black slaves and Indians. They drove a wedge through racism and through giving small concessions to small merchants and planters. They found a solution, he says in chapter 3, in racism.

 

“Racism was becoming more and more practical. Edmund Morgan, on the basis of his careful study of slavery in Virginia, sees racism not as ‘natural’ to black-white difference, but something coming out of class scorn, a realistic device for control. ‘If freemen with disappointed hopes should make common cause with slaves of desperate hope, the results might be worse than anything Bacon had done. The answer to the problem, obvious if unspoken and only gradually recognized, was racism, to separate dangerous free whites from dangerous black slaves by a screen of racial contempt.

“There was still another control which became handy as the colonies grew, and which had crucial consequences for the continued rule of the elites throughout American history. Along with the very rich and the very poor, there developed a white middle class of small planters, independent farmers, city artisans, who, given small rewards for joining forces with merchants and planters, would be a solid buffer against black slaves, frontier Indians, and very poor whites.” 

Could it be that Trump is trying to play this card today: playing poor whites and small businessmen against Blacks and Indians in order to keep attention away from the controlling mechanisms of the super-rich?  If so, the only problem is that this isn’t the 18^th century! It may work in certain sectors, for a while. But, ultimately it is doomed. Doomed because the so-called radicalized right is nowhere near capable of carrying the day and the small businessmen, the Blacks and the “Indians” are not nearly as helpless as they were back then. Trump's attempt to divert attention from the super-rich by setting other sectors against each other cannot work for long. You can fool some of the people some of the time, but you can’t fool them all – for long.

FURTHER: The following references are of interest:
Nancy Isenburg, White Trash, 2017
Jean-Claude Revet, "Les leçons d'histoire de Charlottesville,"  Relations, 792 (Septembre-Octobre, 2017), p. 5.  Jean-Claude is chief editor of the revue.
Scott Kine, "My Reflection on a Culture in Crisis,: the Ecumenist, 54, no. 4 (Fall, 2017). This is a book review of J.D. Vance, Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis, 2016. 
 

What to do about the Rise of the Radical Right

Neo-Nazi and related movements (Skinheads, White Supremacists) are growing rapidly, especially in Europe and the United States. While these movements have been around for quite some time, this growth, is in part linked to the Presidency of Donald Trump, who, in fact, has been adept at providing them with a space for growth even at the expense of an effective Presidency.

These movements recruit from among youth and the unemployed or marginalized sectors of traditional European and American working-class sectors, who feel they have been ignored by society. They feed their anger, lure them with the promise of collective power. They appeal to a future they will create where their identity, linked to a large sector of similarly minded people, will dominate. The excitement of violent social behaviour in small or large groups, is fostered as is also a strong hierarchical, military structure that provides security and a sense of belonging. Anti-social behaviour toward outsiders is encouraged. 

This is not a single movement; there are many groups and they are very different. There are National Socialists closely allied to the traditional German Nazi Party. Some Neo-Nazis have a long list of groups they reject and would be willing to exterminate: Jews, Blacks, Refugees, Immigrants in general if they are from outside Europe. Homosexuals and in fact the whole LBGTQ sector are excluded. Yet, there are other Neo-Nazi organizations that find a place for LBGTQ and even Blacks.

All these movements feed on the feeling of disenfranchisement from society and the resulting anger/frustration. Hatred of the “other” is encouraged as is violence toward them.

This is not new. The roots go back a long way in history: the revolution of 1848 in Europe, the Civil War in the USA. As industrialization began in England, the rural workers were increasingly looked down upon and, when they moved to the cities, were relegated to the margins in every way. Something similar happened in the United States as industrialization arrived. The South, which remained largely an agriculturally based economy – and successfully so through the exportation of cotton – was looked down upon by the North. With the emancipation of Blacks during the civil war, two new groups were formed in the South: emancipated, poor and exploited Blacks as well as what came to be known as “white trash,” poor workers of European descent, who shared the jobs, if they had one, of former slaves. The KKK grew out of this and we should not forget that there are other similar movements, each with their own history. Resentment in the US only grew with the advances made during and after the Civil Rights movement. In Europe, the story is somewhat different but not entirely. The question  was about societies that were deeply stratified by class. More recently, the arrival of Blacks from former colonies intensified the feeling of marginalization in poor sectors. In Canada, the distain of the English-speaking society which dominated Canada, created in Quebec a class similar in some respects to that of Blacks in the USA. The Quiet Revolution ensued in the 1960’s but the bitter feelings of resentment have not entirely vanished especially among some working poor and youth.

Today, these movements feed on the resentment of poor “whites” who discover a path out of their marginalization by blaming a whole list of other groups: Blacks, Jews, Mexicans, Refugees and Immigrants, or, in other cases, by blaming the rich.

What to do? From my point of view the question is one of the governance of society.  Thus, I see it as a job for politicians and law enforcement to ensure that there are laws governing hate talk, racist or violent acts and that these laws are implemented. At the same time, there must be a political framework for equal opportunity and participation of all in society.

It is my impression that dialogue with the leadership of Nazi or Nazi-like organizations is not likely to go very far. However, the same is not true for youth or new recruits. Some sectors of society whom we seldom have heard from are feeling very threatened as society shifts and evolves. Anti-radicalization programs for youth have been set up in some places. Montreal is one. These seem to be effective. But, it is not enough. Obviously, something in society is feeding youth into these movements. Most of all the members of these movements should not be shamed. That will only increase their sense of hatred and anger.

Economic inequality and lack of a sense of belonging is a root cause of the resentment felt by those who get involved in these movements. The unemployment rate for youth (in Quebec at least) is much higher than for other age groups.

Another avenue for pro-active political action is the identity question. Who is Canadian and who is Quebecois? It is not enough, nor even true, to say we are all equal. Schools and other educational institutions can help here. Quebec has a very weak record of dealing with history in its educational institutions. This has to change and change a lot.

It has been clear in many parts of the world that opportunities for youth to participate in inclusive sports can make a great difference. This is not the same as the observer sports like we have seen in European soccer riots.